Did Africans Sell Africans Into Slavery?

Did Africans Sell Africans Into Slavery?

Without so much as asking a single question, many modern whites have gullibly swallowed a skewed and incomplete historical narrative that depicts them as history’s sole villains and the nonwhite world as innocent, suffering lambs.

Alas, despite the cheering warmth such simplicities afford to simple minds, life is never that simple, and as any honest student of history knows, there is no such thing as “good guys”—there are only bad guys who won and bad guys who lost.

Whenever I note that when it comes to the emotionally hypersensitive topic of slavery, there is more than enough historical guilt to go around and that slavery’s history cannot neatly be boxed into binary struggles of good versus evil or black versus white, I am invariably accused of trying to alleviate or deny the guilt that we are ceaselessly lectured whites should constantly be torturing ourselves with.

“If there is a historical weapon more powerful and decisive than guns, it is certainly guilt.”

If one dares to point out that Africans were vastly complicit in the African slave trade, one is accused of trying to “deny” white guilt or to “absolve” whites of guilt, or of trying to argue that “two wrongs make a right.”

No, dummies. Two wrongs make two wrongs. But the question is: Why do you focus only on one wrong? It would seem that in all cases, the ones who are truly trying to “deny” guilt or “absolve” themselves of it are the ones who insist everyone focus merely on one wrong rather than all of them. Humanity, regardless of color, will never suffer a shortage of guilt.

Many black apologists and their white enablers will outright denythat Africans sold Africans into slavery. The always interestingNation of Islam argues that these treacherous go-betweens weren’t truly “African” anyway—they were instead Portuguese Jewish half-breeds known as lancados who’d deliberately interbred with indigenous Africans in order to swindle and kidnap them before handing them over to Jewish slave traders who’d shlep them to the Americas.

To many others for whom the overwhelming evidence of African collaboration in the slave trade becomes impossible to deny, they’ll leap through flaming poodle hoops trying to make excuses. They’ll allege that African slavery was more benign than all other forms…or that Africans who sold other Africans to Islamic and European slavers had no idea how brutally the victims would be treated…or that they didn’t consider one another “black” but rather enemies from warring tribes, as if that makes it any better ethically…or that it was only a handful of African Judases and Uncle Toms who sold their continental kin into New World bondage and was not in any way an established, officially mandated, and integral part of several sub-Saharan economies.

Full Article

Fallen Heroes: Zuma, Mandela family actions exposed for all to see

Fallen Heroes: Zuma, Mandela family actions exposed for all to see

Fifteen years after their relatives helped free South Africa from apartheid, scions of two of the nation’s most famous families met in a hotel overlooking the Indian Ocean to start a business together.

Zondwa Mandela and Khulubuse Zuma, accompanied by an entourage of friends and advisers, decided at the five-star Beverly Hills Hotel in Durban in March 2009 to set up a company that would take advantage of laws favoring black investors in mining. They didn’t put up any money.

Six years later, Nelson Mandela’s grandson and President Jacob Zuma’s nephew are fighting claims alleging fraud amounting to almost 2 billion rand ($164 million) in a civil case after gaining access to two mines near Johannesburg without paying for them. About 5,000 workers have lost their jobs, operations ceased five years ago, equipment has been sold for scrap — and almost $10 million of gold is missing, court documents show.

Mandela and Zuma “are still enjoying luxurious lifestyles despite workers suffering with no food, water or electricity,” said Joseph Montisetse, a regional secretary for the National Union of Mineworkers. “They have tarnished the image of our political leaders.”

Zondwa Mandela, 31, and Khulubuse Zuma, 44, are awaiting a judgment on whether they are personally liable for claims following the collapse of their company, Aurora Empowerment Systems Ltd. Mandela, Zuma and their fellow defendants deny they are responsible for the mining venture’s failure, saying they never had full control of the mines.

Corruption is normal
 

The victim industry fares well, the victims don’t

The victim industry fares well, the victims don’t

Again the migratory overflow from a poor overpopulated place, as happened so often in the past, whilst once it came from the east now it comes from the south. The victim industry fares well by it, with each boat load of strong young men sinking (after having thrown excess baggage such as women, children and kafirs overboard) the victim industry gleefully jumps on their corpses.

As beforehand the African tribes dealt with overpopulation by selling their excess into slavery, they now settled on the more direct way of mutual extermination.

For a while Africa was a thriving continent, providing food for large parts of the world, that quickly ended when the colonists were ‘thrown’ out. Having ejected all knowhow, cultural tradition of hard work and planning ahead inevitably the continent fell back to it’s usual modus operandi. The law of the jungle.

The strongest soon realized that there was a guilt ridden (why is unclear but hey why waste a good opportunity) western world eagerly falling for their narrative of poor fugitives having to be accepted as a debt to old times the creation of fugitives was a matter of time.

Excepting the ones having the money to pay for good stories and comfortable transport, the rest were easy marks for their ‘fellowman’ dumping all the poor and resource draining peoples in the Mediterranean. Mixing in a lot of their mentally/physically ill, criminals and extremists to wreak havoc in that so despised world. The world that everyday by it’s pure existence proved how it could be done and how they are incapable to.

The same reason why Israel has to be erased.. Who needs proof that you fail as a people, as an ethnicity right next to you in your backyard proves under dire circumstances the desert can bloom?

Luckily the emotional vultures who like to see themselves as saviors of the masses are well funded, and use their disgusting appeal to the moral high-ground are here to ensure those masses come… the 1000’s of drowned are just a cynical means to further their cause to be displayed on their websites.

Yuck, and we call ourselves the superior species…

Why South-Africa is a failed state

Why South-Africa is a failed state

Well that is actually explained by themselves in this newsarticle from 2010:

Use land or lose it – Nkwinti
2010-03-02 19:04
Cape Town – The “use it or lose it” principle will be applied firmly to redistribute farmland to ensure South Africa’s agricultural output does not decline further, minister of land reform and rural development, Gugile Nkwinti, said on Tuesday.

“You know, use it or lose it will work now, with the recapitalisation and development with the strategic partnerships we will form with farmers whether active or retired,” he told a media briefing in Cape Town.

“Our view is that [we should] give them a chance, establish a clear system of managing these farms, provide necessary support and those who do not want to work the land, take them out.

“There is not going to be any compromise on that part. The only thing that we thought we should strengthen is the support.”

Failed or declining

Nkwinti pointed out that the principle would not apply to people who were given land as part of the reconstitution process.

“But those who got land through redistribution, if they don’t use that land, we will take it.”

The minister revealed last year that more than half the farms bought by government as part of its Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development programme had failed or fallen into decline.

On Tuesday, Nkiwinti put the figure considerably higher and painted an increasingly bleak picture of the overall state of land reform.

He said it was untenable that more than 90% of the 5.9 million hectares of land the state bought for emerging farmers was not productive and that the state was therefore losing revenue.

GDP dropping

“More than 90% of those are not functional, they are not productive and therefore the state loses revenue.

“So we cannot afford to go on like that. We then say the agriculture sector’s production as a proportion of the GDP is going down, this is part of the reason. That land has been given to people and they are not using it. No country can afford that.

Nkwinti said the state spent billions buying going concerns in the “hope that these things will continue to produce but this has not happened”.

He said 15 years after the post-apartheid state introduced land reform, it was “not close to completing the process except in the Western Cape”. He reiterated that government would not meet its target of turning over 30% of arable land to the black majority by 2014 as the state simply does not have the R72bn needed to achieve this.

‘Balanced development’

Instead of setting a new deadline, the minister said, the department has decided to focus on making redistributed land more productive.

“We don’t want to target now because we want to balance development. We want to [create a] balance between the number of hectares we get and the extent to which we use those hectares to produce food.”

He said this informed the decision last year to adjust the ministry’s budget to allocate 25% for recapitalisation – which will see some R254m flow towards 200 farms in distress.

Nkwinti said the efforts to salvage farming operations on redistributed land would include giving support to black farmers battling to pay their debt to the Land Bank.

The bank last July lifted a moratorium on repossessing land from emerging farmers that was introduced in 2002, but said recently it was, along with the ministry and private institutions, looking at fresh support for those in distress.

The minister said this would cost the state an estimated R207m in guarantees.

Nkwinti said his ministry’s green paper on land reform was running late partly because officials were still working out how to structure strategic partnerships that will support the recapitalisation and development of emerging farm enterprises.

It is now scheduled to be published at the end of May.

Guess what, it still never happened ofcourse. They are stuck in the bizarre worldview that current large farms just runs themselves and need not be worked.

As in other failed african ex-colonies just taking away land from large landowners and redistribute it only resulted in land laying waste and equipment rusting away.

Since nowadays the ANC has turned into a racist black power movement the only ones benefiting from the wealth are themselves, from the time the ANC took government the division between poor and rich widened were  2 persons in the government today own as much wealth as 24 million of their followers.(Source)

Big landowners are now being threatened by expulsion from their land, hugely popular amongst the large population because those targeted aren’t black. And were they aren’t threatened they are murdered by raiding parties. Which only results in more land going to waste since it only be worked for selfsustainment farming.

The end of the downwards spiral isn’t in sight, South Africa will just go the same way as Mozambique and the like as soon as the last farm has been destroyed.

So is this a cultural thing? One cannot help but wonder.
News24

EBOLA DOC’S CONDITION DOWNGRADED TO ‘IDIOTIC’


I wonder how the Ebola doctor feels now that his humanitarian trip has cost a Christian charity much more than any services he rendered.

What was the point?

Whatever good Dr. Kent Brantly did in Liberia has now been overwhelmed by the more than $2 million already paid by the Christian charities Samaritan’s Purse and SIM USA just to fly him and his nurse home in separate Gulfstream jets, specially equipped with medical tents, and to care for them at one of America’s premier hospitals. (This trip may be the first real-world demonstration of the economics of Obamacare.)

There’s little danger of an Ebola plague breaking loose from the treatment of these two Americans at the Emory University Hospital. But why do we have to deal with this at all?

Why did Dr. Brantly have to go to Africa? The very first “risk factor” listed by the Mayo Clinic for Ebola — an incurable disease with a 90 percent fatality rate — is: “Travel to Africa.”

—-

About 15,000 people are murdered in the U.S. every year. More than 38,000 die of drug overdoses, half of them from prescription drugs. More than 40 percent of babies are born out of wedlock. Despite the runaway success of “midnight basketball,” a healthy chunk of those children go on to murder other children, rape grandmothers, bury little girls alive — and then eat a sandwich. A power-mad president has thrown approximately 10 percent of all Americans off their health insurance — the rest of you to come! All our elite cultural institutions laugh at virginity and celebrate promiscuity.

Ann Coulter Column

An Outbreak of Epidemiological Hysteria


An Outbreak of Epidemiological Hysteria
Michael Fumento

THERE HAVE been far fewer cases of, and deaths from, Ebola Virus Disease (hereinafter “Ebola”) during the period of the recent outbreak than from numerous other endemic diseases that primarily afflict Africans, such as malaria, tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS, and childhood diarrhea. Yet there is a widespread sense, in the media and among the public, that particularly urgent measures must be taken to combat Ebola. This is owed in large part to estimates of future cases produced by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Their representatives have accompanied the presentation of these estimates with powerful rhetoric, as have representatives of other public health organizations. Headlines predictably focus on the upper bound of the CDC estimate, rather than providing the range. Yet both the WHO and the CDC have arrived at their distressingly high figures by ignoring epidemiological principles successfully applied since the nineteenth century. These indicate that Ebola infections and even cases may have already peaked.

Continue at International Review of Science

Africa’s forever wars


Africa’s Forever Wars
Why the continent’s conflicts never end.
BY JEFFREY GETTLEMAN

There is a very simple reason why some of Africa’s bloodiest, most brutal wars never seem to end: They are not really wars. Not in the traditional sense, at least. The combatants don’t have much of an ideology; they don’t have clear goals. They couldn’t care less about taking over capitals or major cities — in fact, they prefer the deep bush, where it is far easier to commit crimes. Today’s rebels seem especially uninterested in winning converts, content instead to steal other people’s children, stick Kalashnikovs or axes in their hands, and make them do the killing. Look closely at some of the continent’s most intractable conflicts, from the rebel-laden creeks of the Niger Delta to the inferno in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and this is what you will find.

What we are seeing is the decline of the classic African liberation movement and the proliferation of something else — something wilder, messier, more violent, and harder to wrap our heads around. If you’d like to call this war, fine. But what is spreading across Africa like a viral pandemic is actually just opportunistic, heavily armed banditry. My job as the New York Times’ East Africa bureau chief is to cover news and feature stories in 12 countries. But most of my time is spent immersed in these un-wars.

I’ve witnessed up close — often way too close — how combat has morphed from soldier vs. soldier (now a rarity in Africa) to soldier vs. civilian. Most of today’s African fighters are not rebels with a cause; they’re predators. That’s why we see stunning atrocities like eastern Congo’s rape epidemic, where armed groups in recent years have sexually assaulted hundreds of thousands of women, often so sadistically that the victims are left incontinent for life. What is the military or political objective of ramming an assault rifle inside a woman and pulling the trigger? Terror has become an end, not just a means.

This is the story across much of Africa, where nearly half of the continent’s 53 countries are home to an active conflict or a recently ended one. Quiet places such as Tanzania are the lonely exceptions; even user-friendly, tourist-filled Kenya blew up in 2008. Add together the casualties in just the dozen countries that I cover, and you have a death toll of tens of thousands of civilians each year. More than 5 million have died in Congo alone since 1998, the International Rescue Committee has estimated.

Of course, many of the last generation’s independence struggles were bloody, too. South Sudan’s decades-long rebellion is thought to have cost more than 2 million lives. But this is not about numbers. This is about methods and objectives, and the leaders driving them. Uganda’s top guerrilla of the 1980s, Yoweri Museveni, used to fire up his rebels by telling them they were on the ground floor of a national people’s army. Museveni became president in 1986, and he’s still in office (another problem, another story). But his words seem downright noble compared with the best-known rebel leader from his country today, Joseph Kony, who just gives orders to burn.

Even if you could coax these men out of their jungle lairs and get them to the negotiating table, there is very little to offer them. They don’t want ministries or tracts of land to govern. Their armies are often traumatized children, with experience and skills (if you can call them that) totally unsuited for civilian life. All they want is cash, guns, and a license to rampage. And they’ve already got all three. How do you negotiate with that?

The short answer is you don’t. The only way to stop today’s rebels for real is to capture or kill their leaders. Many are uniquely devious characters whose organizations would likely disappear as soon as they do. That’s what happened in Angola when the diamond-smuggling rebel leader Jonas Savimbi was shot, bringing a sudden end to one of the Cold War’s most intense conflicts. In Liberia, the moment that warlord-turned-president Charles Taylor was arrested in 2006 was the same moment that the curtain dropped on the gruesome circus of 10-year-old killers wearing Halloween masks. Countless dollars, hours, and lives have been wasted on fruitless rounds of talks that will never culminate in such clear-cut results. The same could be said of indictments of rebel leaders for crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court. With the prospect of prosecution looming, those fighting are sure never to give up.

How did we get here? Maybe it’s pure nostalgia, but it seems that yesteryear’s African rebels had a bit more class. They were fighting against colonialism, tyranny, or apartheid. The winning insurgencies often came with a charming, intelligent leader wielding persuasive rhetoric. These were men like John Garang, who led the rebellion in southern Sudan with his Sudan People’s Liberation Army. He pulled off what few guerrilla leaders anywhere have done: winning his people their own country. Thanks in part to his tenacity, South Sudan will hold a referendum next year to secede from the North. Garang died in a 2005 helicopter crash, but people still talk about him like a god. Unfortunately, the region without him looks pretty godforsaken. I traveled to southern Sudan in November to report on how ethnic militias, formed in the new power vacuum, have taken to mowing down civilians by the thousands.
Even Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s dictator, was once a guerrilla with a plan. After transforming minority white-run Rhodesia into majority black-run Zimbabwe, he turned his country into one of the fastest-growing and most diversified economies south of the Sahara — for the first decade and a half of his rule. His status as a true war hero, and the aid he lent other African liberation movements in the 1980s, account for many African leaders’ reluctance to criticize him today, even as he has led Zimbabwe down a path straight to hell.

These men are living relics of a past that has been essentially obliterated. Put the well-educated Garang and the old Mugabe in a room with today’s visionless rebel leaders, and they would have just about nothing in common. What changed in one generation was in part the world itself. The Cold War’s end bred state collapse and chaos. Where meddling great powers once found dominoes that needed to be kept from falling, they suddenly saw no national interest at all. (The exceptions, of course, were natural resources, which could be bought just as easily — and often at a nice discount — from various armed groups.) Suddenly, all you needed to be powerful was a gun, and as it turned out, there were plenty to go around. AK-47s and cheap ammunition bled out of the collapsed Eastern Bloc and into the farthest corners of Africa. It was the perfect opportunity for the charismatic and morally challenged.

In Congo, there have been dozens of such men since 1996, when rebels rose up against the leopard skin-capped dictator Mobutu Sese Seko, probably the most corrupt man in the history of this most corrupt continent. After Mobutu’s state collapsed, no one really rebuilt it. In the anarchy that flourished, rebel leaders carved out fiefdoms ludicrously rich in gold, diamonds, copper, tin, and other minerals. Among them were Laurent Nkunda, Bosco Ntaganda, Thomas Lubanga, a toxic hodgepodge of Mai Mai commanders, Rwandan genocidaires, and the madman leaders of a flamboyantly cruel group called the Rastas.

I met Nkunda in his mountain hideout in late 2008 after slogging hours up a muddy road lined with baby-faced soldiers. The chopstick-thin general waxed eloquent about the oppression of the minority Tutsi people he claimed to represent, but he bristled when I asked him about the warlord-like taxes he was imposing and all the women his soldiers have raped. The questions didn’t seem to trouble him too much, though, and he cheered up soon. His farmhouse had plenty of space for guests, so why didn’t I spend the night?

Nkunda is not totally wrong about Congo’s mess. Ethnic tensions are a real piece of the conflict, together with disputes over land, refugees, and meddling neighbor countries. But what I’ve come to understand is how quickly legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-oriented bloodshed. Congo today is home to a resource rebellion in which vague anti-government feelings become an excuse to steal public property. Congo’s embarrassment of riches belongs to the 70 million Congolese, but in the past 10 to 15 years, that treasure has been hijacked by a couple dozen rebel commanders who use it to buy even more guns and wreak more havoc.

Probably the most disturbing example of an African un-war comes from the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), begun as a rebel movement in northern Uganda during the lawless 1980s. Like the gangs in the oil-polluted Niger Delta, the LRA at first had some legitimate grievances — namely, the poverty and marginalization of the country’s ethnic Acholi areas. The movement’s leader, Joseph Kony, was a young, wig-wearing, gibberish-speaking, so-called prophet who espoused the Ten Commandments. Soon, he broke every one. He used his supposed magic powers (and drugs) to whip his followers into a frenzy and unleashed them on the very Acholi people he was supposed to be protecting.

The LRA literally carved their way across the region, leaving a trail of hacked-off limbs and sawed-off ears. They don’t talk about the Ten Commandments anymore, and some of those left in their wake can barely talk at all. I’ll never forget visiting northern Uganda a few years ago and meeting a whole group of women whose lips were sheared off by Kony’s maniacs. Their mouths were always open, and you could always see their teeth. When Uganda finally got its act together in the late 1990s and cracked down, Kony and his men simply marched on. Today, their scourge has spread to one of the world’s most lawless regions: the borderland where Sudan, Congo, and the Central African Republic meet.
Child soldiers are an inextricable part of these movements. The LRA, for example, never seized territory; it seized children. Its ranks are filled with brainwashed boys and girls who ransack villages and pound newborn babies to death in wooden mortars. In Congo, as many as one-third of all combatants are under 18. Since the new predatory style of African warfare is motivated and financed by crime, popular support is irrelevant to these rebels. The downside to not caring about winning hearts and minds, though, is that you don’t win many recruits. So abducting and manipulating children becomes the only way to sustain the organized banditry. And children have turned out to be ideal weapons: easily brainwashed, intensely loyal, fearless, and, most importantly, in endless supply.

In this new age of forever wars, even Somalia looks different. That country certainly evokes the image of Africa’s most chaotic state — exceptional even in its neighborhood for unending conflict. But what if Somalia is less of an outlier than a terrifying forecast of what war in Africa is moving toward? On the surface, Somalia seems wracked by a religiously themed civil conflict between the internationally backed but feckless transitional government and the Islamist militia al-Shabab. Yet the fighting is being nourished by the same old Somali problem that has dogged this desperately poor country since 1991: warlordism. Many of the men who command or fund militias in Somalia today are the same ones who tore the place apart over the past 20 years in a scramble for the few resources left — the port, airport, telephone poles, and grazing pastures.

Somalis are getting sick of the Shabab and its draconian rules — no music, no gold teeth, even no bras. But what has kept locals in Somalia from rising up against foreign terrorists is Somalia’s deeply ingrained culture of war profiteering. The world has let Somalia fester too long without a permanent government. Now, many powerful Somalis have a vested interest in the status quo chaos. One olive oil exporter in Mogadishu told me that he and some trader friends bought a crate of missiles to shoot at government soldiers because “taxes are annoying.”

Most frightening is how many sick states like Congo are now showing Somalia-like symptoms. Whenever a potential leader emerges to reimpose order in Mogadishu, criminal networks rise up to finance his opponent, no matter who that may be. The longer these areas are stateless, the harder it is to go back to the necessary evil of government.

All this might seem a gross simplification, and indeed, not all of Africa’s conflicts fit this new paradigm. The old steady — the military coup — is still a common form of political upheaval, as Guinea found out in 2008 and Madagascar not too long thereafter. I have also come across a few non-hoodlum rebels who seem legitimately motivated, like some of the Darfurian commanders in Sudan. But though their political grievances are well defined, the organizations they “lead” are not. Old-style African rebels spent years in the bush honing their leadership skills, polishing their ideology, and learning to deliver services before they ever met a Western diplomat or sat for a television interview. Now rebels are hoisted out of obscurity after they have little more than a website and a “press office” (read: a satellite telephone). When I went to a Darfur peace conference in Sirte, Libya, in 2007, I quickly realized that the main draw for many of these rebel “leaders” was not the negotiating sessions, but the all-you-can-eat buffet.

For the rest, there are the un-wars, these ceaseless conflicts I spend my days cataloging as they grind on, mincing lives and spitting out bodies. Recently, I was in southern Sudan working on a piece about the Ugandan Army’s hunt for Kony, and I met a young woman named Flo. She had been a slave in the LRA for 15 years and had recently escaped. She had scarred shins and stony eyes, and often there were long pauses after my questions, when Flo would stare at the horizon. “I am just thinking of the road home,” she said. It was never clear to her why the LRA was fighting. To her, it seemed like they had been aimlessly tramping through the jungle, marching in circles.

This is what many conflicts in Africa have become — circles of violence in the bush, with no end in sight.